President Kim Dae Jung’s advent and Indo-Korean ties
By
M.L. Sondhi
The Pioneer, February 28, 1998
India’s stake in Korea is enormous, although our foreign
policy elite spends little time or energy in articulating
policies for adjusting to East Asia. Elements which
stabilise or destabilise the East Asian regional system
directly affect United States. Russia, China and Japan and
should receive high level attention from New Delhi. South
Korea is now an active economic partner of India and it is
important for us to make up our own mind about the serious
foreign exchange crisis which has destabilised financial
flows in Seoul.
Alarmist commentary from elsewhere and
doomsday arguments cannot however provide a sustainable
basis for a nuanced approach to Asian problems which India
must develop if it aspires to find a place for itself in the
UN Security council as a permanent member. An occasional
setback does not cancel out long standing efforts for
economic growth and technological advancement and no mistake
would be greater than to assume that South Korea will not be
able to overcome its present economic hardships. In the
interdependent, rapidly changing global economy India and
Korea have a lot to learn from each other and it is in the
interest of both sides to provide each other with
policy-relevant information.
The snowballing of Korea’s foreign debts
from $40 billion to $150 billion in just five years is a
warning to Indian economic decision-makers that if a problem
is left unattended it can provoke a serious long term
crisis. The macro-economic policy coordination which is
being undertaken by the new President, Mr. Kim Dae Jung, at
a historic point of political transition also shows how a
strong presidential voice for the national interest and for
the common good can bolster the economy’s capacity to
achieve damage control and persuade the people to accept
burden-sharing.
A deepening of the Indo-Korean dialogue is
the best answer to scepticism and Kim Dae Jung’s dedication
to both democracy and market reforms makes him a dialogue
partner who can shed light on some of the issues and
problems which India faces as it safeguards its national
interests in the so-called IMF Era. An exchange of
Presidential level visits between New Delhi and Seoul would
generate the high level attention necessary to ensure that
Korean interest in Indian infrastructure projects is
maintained and enhanced and Indian computer software
developments are given a central role in the emerging
India-Korea relationship.
The challenge for India and Korean economic
diplomacy is to devise policies to offset the dampening
effect of the Asian financial crisis and to even upgrade the
target of $3 billion for Korean investment by the year 2000
which was agreed upon during the last Presidential visit to
India in 1996.
Regardless of who wins the General elections
under way in India today, preparation should begin at
official levels for widening the horizons of Indo-Korean
economic relations. Kim Dae Jung has mounted a bold
challenge to overcome the resistance to economic reform by
skilfully calibrating public policy and private enterprise.
A joint Indo-Korean task force should be set up to produce
policy recommendations on macro-economic stability in Asia
and it should begin with a comparative study of the
programmes of structural reforms in both the countries. Kim
Dae Jung’s ideas on foreign trade, economic growth,
technological development and the role of foreign capital
should be taken seriously in India.
His chief economic advisor, You Jong-keun
ruled out the possibility of Kim Dae Jung resorting to
authoritarianism which is sometimes recommended and
practised in Southeast Asian countries like Singapore and
Malaysia in both the political and economic sphere: “The era
of strong-armed intervention, however, is over. The people
have witnessed bankruptcy of the interventionist regime and
rejected dictatorship on both the political and economic
front. President Kim Dae Jung, a life long freedom fighter
who refused to cooperate with dictators even under the
threat of death, will open a new era of true democracy and
free markets.”
New Delhi and Seoul have a common agenda in
curbing monopolistic tendencies in both the private and
public sectors, (Kim Dae Jung’s structural adjustment is
chiefly directed at the “chaebol” conglomerate monopolies),
and in utilising the real opportunities for leap-frogging in
fields such as information and telecommunications and by
coordinated action in multilateral systems.
India and Korea can also come together to put pressure
on Japan to play an optimum role in tackling the financial
and economic crisis in Asia. The intellectual climate for
Korea’s international relations will be conditioned by Kim
Dae Jung’s reputation as a scholar and by his freedom from
the platitudes which have guided some of his predecessors.
He has often expressed his admiration for Mahatma Gandhi and
has related his understanding of political and social issues
to both historical and contemporary Indian thought. He also
has a sophisticated outlook on European and American thought
and practice of international affairs.
He is aware of the full dimensions of
distrust and suspicion between North and South Korea and he
will spare no efforts to create a framework for serious
negotiations on substantive issues. If India shows more
understanding of the history and culture of Korea to an
unprecedented extent India can play an innovative role in
the ensuing dialogue between Seoul and Pyongyang. Hitherto
both countries have perceived each other as sources of
economic opportunity. With the advent of Kim Dae Jung, the
time is ripe to extend the agenda to questions of stability
and instability in the Asia-Pacific region. |