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NEW PERSPECTIVES IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA
The removal of Prime Minister Siroky of Czechoslovakia has
sent waves of speculation among commentators and analysts of
Eastern European affairs.
For the West, Czechoslovakia has seemed to
be a country towards which its diplomacy never seems to
provide an opportunity to celebrate even a modest
achievement. The “betrayal” of Munich seems to have wrapped
Western powers in Czechoslovak eyes in a cloak worn at some
macabre ceremony. Cold War slogans like “winning back
Eastern Europe for the free world” seemed to lack the air of
authenticity because Western policy did not have an
orientation which would support the most immediate and
pressing issues to further the formation of an independent
ideological consensus in Czechoslovakia. The absence of
Czechoslovakia as an independent unit in great-power
relations, after the 1948 February events, in short,
represented a vacuum in the sphere of the political
transformation to a flexible and pluralistic post-war world.
The rival objectives of the Soviet Union and
USA in Eastern Europe could not be resolved merely by
forcing one to abandon the field to the other. The
Stalinist phase was outwardly a success in reality it
created pressures which rendered Soviet presence
unacceptable to the people. The tragic events of Hungary in
1956 showed, however, the political limitations of a move to
expel Russia and create a vacuum which would be filled by
the West. Once again the Polish upheaval gives rise to
hopes that a meaningful form of new Eastern European polity
would be created. It seemed for sometime that Gomulka with
his new gamut for a Polish way to socialism would succeed.
Soviet objectives have, however, made it impossible to
continue the strategy of a “diluted confrontation” with the
West for Poland. For Washington, it is now only a matter of
time to recognise that its diplomatic adventure in Poland
has been a failure, for the Soviet presence in Poland is a
greater fact today that in 1956-67 in spite of the
substantial quantity of US economic aid.
If we look at the current Czechoslovak
crisis in terms of the possibilities it has created for East
West détente in Eastern Europe, there are several
indications that it may provide a better path to the desired
goal than either the Hungarian or Polish type of solutions.
Much will, of course depend upon how the challenge of
diplomacy is met by the various countries particularly the
USA and not excluding India. In the first place the
Czechoslovak new course is not connected with Cold War
issues, especially as it happens to coincide with a pause in
the cold war. The main focus of the Czechoslovak ferment is
on National Interest. The present signs indicate that the
younger elements in the party are moving at a slower pace
but making sure that the rivalries and squabbles over
“ultimate objectives” do not detach support which may enable
the old guard to stage a political come back. The main
appeal of the younger elements, which is maintaining a
collective identity in the interest of safety, is secure a
politically advantageous readjustment of internal politics
with regard to the Czech-Slovak relations and of external
politics with regard to China.
The Economy
Today on Mahatma Gandhi’s birthday, some one
seemed to say to me that I must not work on “East Europe”
today, but should think about India and about Gandhiji. I
went along to the Institute with this idea in mind. I asked
the Librarian if I could meet anyone in their Asia section.
This I was told was not possible since the person concerned
had left them and another person was yet to arrive. Just in
the course of conversation she mentioned that one of their
members, Mr. A. Lehning had produced an edition of the
sources relating to Bakunin. Asked if I could meet Mr.
Lehning. He turned out to be a rather interesting person.
He was on the League against Imperialism which Nehru
participated in and which was afterwards discredited as a
Communist organisation. He told me that Dr. Hatta of
Indonesia was also a member and as a matter of fact he was
right now in Amsterdam. From there we talked about the
ideas of Bakunin and Prince Kropotkin. And then we came to
Gandhiji. He got quite enthusiastic and went and brought a
number of booklets and pamphlets which are in Dutch and
contain the correspondence between Gandhiji and B. de Ligt,
who was a well known pacifist and social thinker. Then he
told me that he (Lehning) had written a paper in the
twenties giving a prophetic warning that the future would be
endangered if China and India became militarised. Lehning
appeared to me to be a pre-Marxian Socialist, he can be
quite useful for demolishing Marxian-Leninism, but I did not
find him stimulating on current politics. He suggested
three themes for research:
1.
The role of the League against Imperialism (including Nehru’s
part in it);
2.
The influence of the anarchist ideology in India (according
to him the influence in Japan and China was considerable) –
he thinks anarchism faces up to the problems which the
Soviet Communism has muddled; and
3.
Influence of Gandhiji’s thought on pacificism in Europe – he
thinks Gandhiji’s influence on B.de Ligt can be a starting
point. |